Malaysia at a Fork in the Road

The May 13 incident in 1969 ended the Merdeka era administration, a Malay-led multiethnic elite collaboration consisting of UMNO, MCA and MIC with some democratic features. An emergency was imposed and later lifted but everything was no longer the same after the tragedy.

Ethnic anxiety and economic disparity were among the causes of the riots. For the ruling Alliance coalition’s loss of support, one of the causes was the despair of the baby boomers who were coming of age in the 1960s. Like the Gen Z of today, they were looking for better jobs, decent pay and social upward mobility.

Yet the economic policy of the Alliance elite was laissez faire in character and thus resulting in youth underemployment and unemployment.

After the May 13 riots, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, despite his demise at a relatively young age of 54 after serving as Prime Minister for only slightly more than five years, built a surprisingly enduring political order from the ashes.

He reorganised the state in the following ways:

• From the Alliance rule of a Malay-led multiethnic coalition to the ideology of Malay dominance and the creation of an UMNO-controlled Barisan Nasional;

• From laissez faire economy to state interventions, sometimes for good reasons such as the initial focus on creating jobs through industrialisation though as the years went by, the New Economic Policy led to more rent seeking;

• From a pro-West foreign policy posture to a non-aligned position, a great legacy that I personally treasure;

• From a half-democracy in the 1960s to an authoritarian government from the 1970s onwards.

Tun Razak and his able deputy Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman thought of the arrangement as a transitional way to rebuild the nation from the ashes of 1969. They envisaged that the more draconian features of the state would eventually fade, and that the New Economic Policy would have achieved its objectives of reorganising the society and eradicating poverty by 1990.

Razak and Ismail had remarkable foresight. However, the authoritarian vision did not end in 1990.

By the 1990s, a new generation of Malay leaders emerged with confidence and with their eyes on the future, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim being its chief representative. In February 1991, Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad presented Vision 2020 and the idea of Bangsa Malaysia. Anwar followed up with the articulation of “Melayu Baru” and later setting his sight wider on the region, “the Asian Renaissance”.

The Malaysia of the 1990s was confident in herself. The slogan “Malaysia Boleh” was taken seriously and passionately, unlike later when it was viewed cynically. Young Malaysians of my generation had faith in the immense potential of Malaysia. Those who came of age during that period generally have a favourable view of other ethnic groups and are less prone to the racial attitudes of those before them.

But the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 shattered all the hopes of Malaysia becoming a great nation. Mahathir sacked Anwar in September 1998 and further shaken Malaysians’ confidence in the institutions.

By 2001, when China joined the World Trade Organisation and became the darling of global trade and investment, Malaysia was often forgotten. Our nation suffered immensely for almost three decades.

Yet, the seeds of the 1990s did grow and mature, despite the regime’s attempts to nip it in the bud. There was a hope for a better Malaysia.

In 1999, while in prison, Anwar made a bold decision. He turned down the offer to join PAS but decided to form a multiethnic party Parti Keadilan Nasional which evolved into Parti Keadilan Rakyat in 2003.

The idea that Malaysia could become an important country in the region as well as a regional economic power house and that all Malaysians could come together to build a strong nation caught the attention of many people. Many Malaysians, including Malays, began to believe that Malaysia didn’t have to be authoritarian, and could transform into a genuine democracy.

Anwar’s vision of Malay-led multiethnic politics in a democracy was of course faced with many challenges. Those who propagated Malay supremacy wanted to continue the authoritarian rule to cover up their misdeeds in squandering the nation’s wealth. They continued to cast doubts among the people, especially the Malays, to halt the progressive vision.

However, the people’s power prevailed. The old political order represented by UMNO crumbled in 2018 when ordinary Malaysians could no longer bear Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1MDB mega scandals.

Since then, the old order that tries to resurrect itself and continues to believe in the viability of dominance and authoritarian rule have portrayed the democrats who embrace the idea of multiethnicity as a sellout.

We are now at a fork in the road between two visions of Malaysia, an authoritarian country and a democratic nation.

As we celebrate the 70th anniversary of Merdeka next year, and as we gear up for many election battles, Malaysians will still have to choose again, between the discredited vision of 1970 versus the aspirations of 1998, which hopefully will bring Malaysia to its maturity, unity and prosperity in the years to come.

We have to make our choice between the good or the bad, and if we fail to do so, we may end up with an ugly Malaysia.